Issues in Australian Foreign Policy

July to December 2013



  1. 1

    J.S. Ahlquist and M. Levi, “Leadership: What it means, what it does, and what we want to know about it”, Annual Review of Political Science, Vol. 14, 1 (2011), pp.1–24.

  2. 2

    For good introductions to the diplomatic and economic aspects of this, see M. Wesley, There Goes the Neighbourhood: Australia and the Rise of Asia (Sydney, 2011); I.W. McLean, Why Australia Prospered: The Shifting Sources of Economic Growth (Princeton, 2013).

  3. 3

    In a gesture loaded with symbolic and practical importance, one of the first actions of the incoming Coalition government was to quietly jettison Labor's much-anticipated White Paper on the “Asian Century”; B. Nicholson, “Asian Century plans consigned to history”, Australian, 28 October 2013.

  4. 4

    M. McKew, Tales from the Political Trenches, (Melbourne, 2012).

  5. 5

    G. Sheridan, “Popular sense trumps policy and media elite”, Australian, 5 October 2013.

  6. 6

    P. Kelly, “Kevin Rudd's Tampa, his plan to redraw the political map”, Australian, 20 July 2013.

  7. 7

    D. Crowe, and P. Taylor, “Kevin Rudd's asylum boat solution sinking”, Australian, 25 July 2013.

  8. 8

    O. Laughland, “Coalition ‘never had a policy of towing boats back’, says Scott Morrison”, Guardian, 4 October 2013.

  9. 9

    M. Beeson, “Can Australia save the world? The limits and possibilities of middle power diplomacy”, Australian Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 65, 5 (2011), pp.563–577.

  10. 10

    G. Curran, “Modernising climate policy in Australia: climate narratives and the undoing of a Prime Minister”, Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy, Vol. 29, 6 (2011), pp.1004–1017.

  11. 11

    A. Capling, “Twenty years of Australia's engagement with Asia”, The Pacific Review, Vol. 21, 5 (2008), pp.601–622.

  12. 12

    See, Tony Abbott, Battlelines (Melbourne 2009).

  13. 13

    Whether down-grading AusAID by incorporating it into the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade was a good early signal to send in this regard is moot, but it was an unambiguous indication of the new government's priorities, nevertheless. M. Grattan, “DFAT secretary's tough message about AusAID integration”, The Conversation, 3 November 2013 <>.

  14. 14

    P. Kelly, “Tony Abbott faces his first crucial test in Jakarta talks”, Australian, 28 September 2013.

  15. 15

    G. Sheridan, “Abbott in Indonesia: the adventure begins”, Australian, 3 October 2013.

  16. 16

    D. Ball, A Suitable Piece of Real Estate : American Installations in Australia (Sydney, 1980); P. Dorling, “Australian outback station at forefront of US spying arsenal”, Sydney Morning Herald, 26 July 2013.

  17. 17

    Desmond Ball, “The strategic essence”, Australian Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 55, 2 (2001), pp.235–248; J. Brown and R. Medcalf, Fixing Australia's Incredible Defence Policy (Sydney, 2013).

  18. 18

    R. McGregor, “Intelligence: The all-seeing eyes”, Financial Times, 13 December 2013.

  19. 19

    C. Stewart, “Why did Australia's spy agencies listen in on the Indonesian first lady?”, Australian, 14 December 2013.

  20. 20

    K. Murphy, “Indonesia says it's ‘not cricket’ for Australia to spy for the US in Asia”, Guardian, 1 November 2013.

  21. 21

    L. Taylor, “Indonesian president accuses Tony Abbott of ‘belittling’ spy revelations”, Guardian, 19 November 2013.

  22. 22

    M. Bachelard, “Julie Bishop private meeting details published by Indonesia's foreign minister”, Age, 27 September 2013.

  23. 23

    M. Kenny, “Tony Abbott warns Jakarta on refusal to accept asylum-seeker boats”, Age, 12 November 2013.

  24. 24

    B. Hall, “Silence echoes across Canberra as the Coalition clams up”, Age, 3 November 2013.

  25. 25

    J. Manicom, and A. O'Neil, “Accommodation, realignment, or business as usual? Australia's response to a rising China”, The Pacific Review, Vol. 23, 1 (2010), pp.23–44.

  26. 26

    M. Beeson, “Australia–US Economic relations and the regional balance of power and influence: Implications for Australian foreign policy”, Australian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 48, 2 (2013), pp.197–207.

  27. 27

    One of the best and most influential analyses of this situation is proved by H. White, The China Choice: Why America Should Share Power (Melbourne, 2012).

  28. 28

    M. Beeson, “More form than substance at APEC”, The Conversation, 9 October 2013 <>.

  29. 29

    S. Maher and P. Alford, “Tony Abbott to Xi Jinping: we're open for business”, Australian, 7 October 2013.

  30. 30

    J. Frieden and L.L. Martin, “International political economy: Global and domestic interactions” in I. Katznelson and H.V. Milner, eds, Political Science: The State of the Discipline (New York, 2002), pp.118–146.

  31. 31

    On China's state-owned corporations, see A. Szamosszegi and C. Kyle, An Analysis of State-owned Enterprises and State Capitalism in China (Washington, 2011). On state capitalism generally and its implications, see I. Bremmer, The End of the Free Market: Who Wins the War Between States and Corporations? (New York, 2010).

  32. 32

    D. Uren, The Kingdom and the Quarry: China, Australia, Fear and Greed (Collingwood, 2012).

  33. 33

    J. Swan, “Joe Hockey says no to Huawei investment in NBN”, Age, 30 October 2013.

  34. 34

    R. Callick, “Foreign control of business not in our interests, says Tony Abbott”, Australian, 25 July 2012.

  35. 35

    L. Wilson, “Nationals gear for fight over foreign rural buyouts”, Australian, 13 September 2013. On the longer-term implications of this position for Coalition policy, see J. Wilson, “Foreign investment and the popularity test: does GrainCorp set a new precedent?”, The Conversation, 2 December 2013 <>.

  36. 36

    A. Oliver, Australia and the World: Public Opinion and Foreign Policy (Sydney, 2013), p.6.

  37. 37

    M. Cranstin and R. Thistleton, “The great Chinese takeaway”, Australian Financial Review, 20–26 December 2013, pp.46–48.

  38. 38

    White, The China Choice.

  39. 39

    D. Blair, “What Washington expects of Australia”, American Review, August 2013.

  40. 40

    C. Stewart, “US boosts regional military footprint”, Australian, 23 August 2013.

  41. 41

    L. Weymouth, “Lally Weymouth: An interview with Australia Prime Minister Tony Abbott”, Washington Post, 25 October 2013.

  42. 42

    S. Murdoch, “Chinese unhappy with US build-up”, Australian, 24 August 2013; M.D. Swaine, “Chinese Leadership and Elite Responses to the US Pacific Pivot”, China Leadership Monitor, no. 38 (2012), pp.381–26.

  43. 43

    J.J. Mearsheimer, “The gathering storm: China's challenge to US power in Asia”, Chinese Journal of International Politics, Vol. 3, 4 (2010), pp.381–396.

  44. 44

    M.T. Fravel, “China's strategy in the South China Sea”, Contemporary Southeast Asia, Vol. 33, 3 (2011), pp.292–319.

  45. 45

    M. Beeson, “Miscalculation or test of wills?”, Straits Times, 3 December 2013, p.A23.

  46. 46

    A number of commentators have drawn attention to the parallels with the situation before the First World War. See, for example, M. Wolf, “China must not copy the Kaiser's errors”, Financial Times, 3 December 2013.

  47. 47

    P. Wen, “Stoush continues as Bishop receives cold welcome in China”, Age, 7 December 2013.

  48. 48

    R. Callick, “Nothing lost and everything to be gained by Abbott in Asia”, Australian, 28 December 2013.

  49. 49

    Y. Hayashi, “Shrine visits by Japan rile neighbors”, Wall Street Journal, 22 April 2013.

  50. 50

    S. Hameiri, “Beyond methodological nationalism, but where to for the study of regional governance?”, Australian Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 63, 3 (2009), pp.430–441.

  51. 51

    S. Maher and D. Crowe, “Holden finally runs out of road”, Australian, 11 December 2013.

  52. 52

    I. Porter, “Without car manufacturing, we are on the road to ruin”, Age, 13 January 2012; H.-J. Chang, Kicking Away the Ladder: Development Strategy in Historical Perspective (London, 2002).

  53. 53

    A. Creighton, “Running over the myths surrounding car industry”, Australian, 13 December 2013.

  54. 54

    For an exception, see T. Lyons, “Holden: this nauseating job-loss porn fails to ask the hard questions”, Guardian, 12 December 2013.

  55. 55

    B. Packham, “States at odds over future of car industry”, Australian, 13 December 2013.

  56. 56

    B. Packham, “Coalition pledges to ‘rebuild’ defence force, vowing to restore defence spending”, Australian, 2 September 2013.

  57. 57

    D. Snow, “Defence introduces a new arc for a new era”, Sydney Morning Herald, 3 May 2013.

  58. 58

    D. Wroe, “Defence all at sea on new submarines”, Sydney Morning Herald, 16 October 2013.

  59. 59

    N. Edwards, Foreign Ownership of Australian Mining Profits, Briefing Paper Prepared for the Australian Greens, 2011.

  60. 60

    P. Cleary, Too Much Luck: The Mining Boom and Australia's Future (Melbourne, 2011).

  61. 61

    R. Garnaut, Dog Days: Australia After the Boom (Collingwood, 2013).

  62. 62

    P. Cleary, “What's mined is theirs to spend, and fast”, Australian, 13 August 2011; H. Schwartz, “Political capitalism and the rise of sovereign wealth funds”, Globalizations, Vol. 9, 4 (2012), pp.517–530.

  63. 63

    W. Swan, “The 0.01 Per Cent: The Rising Influence of Vested Interests in Australia”, The Monthly, 2 March 2012.

  64. 64

    D. McKnight, “Might as well face it, we're addicted to coal”, Age, 9 August 2013.

  65. 65

    G. Kitney, “Neo-conservative nationalism with a twist”, Australian Financial Review, 30 November 2013, p.55.

  66. 66

    Some of Abbott's key advisors even claimed that the carbon tax was responsible for the demise of manufacturing in Australia. See M. Newman, “Crowds go cold on climate cost”, Australian, 31 December 2013.

  67. 67

    O. Milman, “Coalition scraps Climate Commission, dispensing with Tim Flannery”, Guardian, 19 September 2013.

  68. 68

    M. Beeson and M. McDonald, “The politics of climate change in Australia”, Australian Journal of Politics and History, Vol. 59, 3 (2013), pp.331–348.

  69. 69

    O. Milman, “Climate change talks: no minister to represent Australia”, Guardian, 7 November 2013.

  70. 70

    R.O. Keohane and D.G. Victor, “The regime complex for climate change”, Perspectives on Politics, Vol. 9, 1 (2011), pp.7–23.

  71. 71

    G. Kitney, “Abbott sees winnings in an Asia trade trifecta”, Australian Financial Review, 2–3 November 2013, p.55.

  72. 72

    T.H. Shih, “China to push Australia on ‘fairer’ FTA terms”, South China Morning Post, 5 December 2013.

  73. 73

    G. Earl, “Two parallel worlds collide”, Australian Financial Review, 16–17 November 2013, pp.18–19. Having said that, Australia's trade and investment relationship with Indonesia is remarkably small and something of an indictment of Australia's business and political class.

  74. 74

    See, E. Gartzke, “The capitalist peace”, American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 51, 1 (2007), pp.166–191.

  75. 75

    G. Kitney, “Government's first 100 days a political wasteland”, Australian Financial Review, 14–15 December 2013, p.55.

  76. 76

    See, A. Carr, “Is Australia a Middle Power? A Systemic Impact Approach”, Australian Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 68, 1 (2014), pp.70–84.

  77. 77

    M. Beeson and R. Higgott, “The changing architecture of politics in the Asia-Pacific: Australia's middle power moment?”, International Relations of the Asia-Pacific (forthcoming).

  78. 78

    Not only did Abbott attend the Commonwealth Heads of Government conference in Sri Lanka despite a problematic human rights record that had deterred other conservative leaders, such as Canada's Stephen Harper, from attending, but he rewarded its government for their cooperation in managing the asylum seeker issue. B. Doherty, “Patrol boat diplomacy”, Sydney Morning Herald, 18 November 2013.